Lawrence W. Britt, an international businessman, political scientist, and writer, published an article in 2003, Fascism, Anyone?, listing 14 signs of fascism. Here is what he writes:

“German and Italian fascism form the historical models that define this perverted political worldview. And although they no longer exist, this worldview and the indicators of these models were copied by proto-fascist regimes in different periods of the 20th century. Both the original German and Italian models and the later proto-fascist regimes show strikingly similar characteristics. While many scholars doubt any direct connection between these regimes, few can deny their superficial resemblance. Beyond the visual, even a superficial study of these fascist and proto-fascist regimes reveals a striking similarity in their working methods. This is certainly not a revelation to a knowledgeable political observer, but it is sometimes useful in the interests of perspective to restate the obvious facts and thereby shed the necessary light on current circumstances.

For comparison, the author examined the regimes of Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, Francoist Spain, Salazar Portugal, Pope Dopulos’ Greece, Pinochet’s Chile and Suharto’s Indonesia.

Analysis of these seven regimes reveals fourteen commonalities that can be seen in patterns of national behavior and abuse of power. These characteristics are more pronounced in some modes, less so in others, but to a certain extent they are all similar.

The author of the material took as a basis the 14 signs of fascism given by Lawrence, compared it with the criteria of the modern political regime that are inherent in Russia and tried to draw certain analogies.

So let’s get started:

  1. The first sign of fascism is a powerful and enduring nationalism.

In his work, Lawrence W. Britt draws attention to the fact that all authoritarian and fascist regimes began their “career” with calls for the unity of the people around a common enemy – in the case of Putin’s Russia, this is the NATO bloc, “Benderites who destroy the Russian speakers in the Donbass ”, demonstrations of military power – annual parades on Red Square, slogans like “We can repeat”, as well as an obsessive desire to deny everything foreign, a manifestation of xenophobia. Thus, a new word “Russophobia” has appeared in Russian terminology — an irrational Russian argument denoting a part of the neo-imperial discourse of the consciousness of Russians and standing out as a biased, suspicious, hostile, hostile attitude towards Russia, the Russian language, Russian, Russian speakers. The active use of this term by the Russian media began in 2013 and doubled in three years.

  1. Disregard for generally recognized human rights – under the pretext of security, the fascist authorities argue that human rights can be ignored in certain cases for the sake of “necessity”. People are forced to “think differently” or even approve of beatings, murders, long-term imprisonment of detainees, etc.

So, for example, how many times have we seen beatings and arrests of representatives of Russian opposition media, demonstrators, activists, etc., as well as the reaction of ordinary, “zombified” Russians to this – “they are against Putin, they work off American money ! Therefore, it is right that they are beaten, because America is the enemy!”.

  1. Identification of the enemy / ransom victims as a unifying base – social frustrations in Russia that appear in society, are transferred into a controlled channel and directed at fictional enemies.

In fact, Zaporek is characterized by a combination of the first two signs – the creation of a cult of “foreigners to blame for everything” – again, NATO, expanding its borders and locating bases near the borders of Russia and preventing Russians from living in peace, talk about a “fifth column” that arranges inside subversive activities of the country, which means that it is subject to destruction or at least punishment …

  1. Overwhelming army or militarism – even if the country has many internal problems, the armed forces of the state receive a disproportionate amount of funding. And internal problems remain unresolved.

So, it is known that this year Putin and his apostates have allocated more than 3.5 trillion rubles for the national defense of Russia. This can be seen from the explanatory note to the draft budget of Zarebrik for 2022-2024. In total, the federal center will spend on defense about 15 percent of total spending. At the same time, the indicators of the budget section “National Economy” of the aggressor country amount to only 3.46 trillion rubles.

  1. Sex discrimination and severe restriction of gender roles.

Thus, according to the data provided by the World Bank, out of 190 countries analyzed, Russia ranks 129th in the ranking of gender policy implementation. Russia’s neighbors in this list are two African countries – Burundi and Uganda, and in this aspect, Russia is ahead of such traditionally patriarchal countries as the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. The most problematic from the point of view of equality between men and women in this country are wages, the process of employment, pension and business, the obligations of spouses and paternity. In addition, the decriminalization of domestic violence remains a big problem here. For example, in 2017, Putin signed a law on the decriminalization of domestic beatings, which removes beatings against loved ones from the list of criminal offenses if they are committed for the first time. Also, according to the human rights organization Human Rights Watch, after the adoption of this normative act, beatings in families increased several times and became a real epidemic, and the proverbs “He beats, it means he loves” and calls “not to wash dirty linen in public” led to the fact that , according to various estimates, about 70-90% of victims of domestic violence do not apply to law enforcement agencies. And those who write statements against the tyrant often take them away. Or the police themselves give them to the guilty party. “The untimely attitude of law enforcement agencies is the norm in cases of domestic violence in Russia,” experts complain.

  1. Control over the media – they are controlled directly by the government or indirectly through journalists or executives who sympathize with those in power. We will not dwell on this point in detail, but simply recall the Russian propagandists Vladimir Solovyov and Olga Skabeeva, as well as the fabricated case of Ivan Golunov, a journalist for the Russian online publication Meduza, in 2019. It is known that the man conducted a journalistic investigation into the involvement of the leaders of the FSB in Moscow in the illegal funeral business. In anticipation of the publication of the material, I. Golunov was arrested on suspicion of selling drugs. Further, under public pressure, the case was closed, the journalist was released.

In addition, we note that according to the rating of freedom of speech in 2021, published by the international human rights organization Reporters Without Borders, Russia ranked 150th, being between Honduras and the Republic of the Congo.

  1. National security obsession – fear is used as a motivational tool by the government to put pressure on society. It is known that in authoritarian and fascist regimes, the authorities tend to create and expand a large number of paramilitary structures, which, by design, were supposed to protect against an external enemy, but in fact they are used as a means of ensuring the safety of those in power, as well as as an instrument of terror. opposition structures In Russia, these are the FSB, various departments of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the National Guard, etc. In Russia today, almost 895 thousand people work in the staff of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. This number has doubled since 2002. It is the third largest police force in the world. Even in the days of the authoritarian USSR, there were 623 thousand people in the service of the Soviet Ministry of Internal Affairs. Maybe they are going to defend themselves against their own people?